Author Archives: redwasp

False Comrades: Unmasking Labour Zionism’s Abuse of Socialist Symbols

Posted on by

by Andrej Ivanovic

One of the most persistent myths about Zionism is the illusion that it once embodied genuine socialist ideals. Labour Zionism, falsely labeled “progressive” or “socialist,” was, in reality, fundamentally colonialist, imperialist, and racist. Its appropriation of socialist symbolism and rhetoric served only to conceal its reactionary and oppressive core, directly contradicting the essence of socialism: international solidarity with all oppressed peoples.

Socialism and Anti-Colonial Solidarity vs. Zionist Colonialism

Socialism, from its origins in Marxist thought, stands firmly against colonialism, imperialism, and all forms of racial oppression. Lenin explicitly argued for the unconditional right to self-determination, sharply condemning annexation and colonial exploitation. Genuine socialist movements, whether the Bolsheviks or anarchists in revolutionary Spain, supported oppressed nations against imperial powers.

Labour Zionism, from its inception, violated these fundamental socialist principles. Under leaders like David Ben-Gurion and Golda Meir, Labour Zionism actively collaborated with imperial powers—initially the British, then the Americans—to facilitate the settler-colonial project in Palestine. The Zionist narrative of “Hebrew Labour” explicitly promoted Jewish racial exclusivity, systematically excluding Palestinian Arabs to maintain colonial control, reflecting Lenin’s condemnation of imperial annexation.

Pseudo-Socialist Symbolism: Zionism’s Commonality with Fascism

Labour Zionism’s misuse of socialist iconography was not unique; it shared this trait with classic fascist movements. Mussolini’s Italy and Nazi Germany both cynically appropriated socialist symbolism to gain popular legitimacy, all while perpetuating racist and nationalist policies. Similarly, Zionist leaders employed socialist imagery—kibbutzim, red flags, and collective farming—to mask ethnic cleansing, apartheid, and racist hierarchies.

This pseudo-socialism did not genuinely empower workers but reinforced racial stratification and colonial privilege. The Histadrut, promoted as a progressive labour union, excluded Palestinian workers from its founding and deliberately undermined solidarity across ethnic lines. Its primary goal was to solidify colonial dominance rather than dismantle capitalist oppression.

Systemic Racism within Labour Zionism

Labour Zionism was explicitly racist—not only toward Palestinians but also toward non-white Jewish communities. Mizrahi Jews from Middle Eastern, North African, and Central Asian backgrounds were subjected to severe discrimination and marginalization by the Ashkenazi-dominated Labour establishment. Forced into impoverished “ma’abarot” camps and stigmatized as inferior, Mizrahi Jews’ struggles against systemic racism culminated in movements like the Israeli Black Panthers, which Labour Zionist governments violently suppressed.

Similarly, Ethiopian Jews faced harsh racism upon migration to Israel. Labour Zionist institutions manipulated their immigration for propaganda purposes but systematically excluded them socially and economically, even resorting to forced sterilization policies—a brutal expression of racist eugenics.

Leninist Perspectives on Zionist Colonialism

Lenin’s explicit condemnation of Zionism as reactionary, combined with his emphasis on supporting unconditional self-determination and anti-imperialist struggles, offers a clear socialist critique. Lenin argued that socialism must stand unequivocally against colonial oppression, clearly positioning Zionism as an enemy of genuine socialist ideals. According to Lenin, Zionist settlements were fundamentally imperialist annexations, incompatible with socialism’s core internationalist commitments.

Conclusion: Labour Zionism—A Betrayal of Socialism

Labour Zionism, far from a socialist movement, was fundamentally colonial, imperialist, and deeply racist. Its distorted socialist rhetoric only served to legitimize settler colonialism, racial hierarchy, and class exploitation. Genuine socialism, grounded in internationalist solidarity, stands in unconditional opposition to Zionism. Today, recognizing the anti-socialist and reactionary essence of Labour Zionism means reaffirming solidarity with Palestinian liberation and all struggles against imperialist oppression.

RECLAIM PURIM! CELEBRATE THE RESISTANCE!

Posted on by

(Gershop Pesach Teitelbaum, 14 Adar 5785)

PURIM CELEBRATES RESISTANCE AGAINST GENOCIDE

Purim is a festival of resistance. It commemorates the struggle of an oppressed people against the genocidal plans of an occupying colonial regime. It is the story of a people who, under the shadow of empire, organized, fought back, and ensured their survival against the forces of annihilation.

It is a mistake to read Purim as a mere celebration of survival, as if history moves forward without the actions of those who resist. The Megillah itself tells us otherwise: Esther risks her life by revealing her identity, Mordechai refuses to bow to a tyrant, and the Jewish people, rather than waiting for imperial mercy, take matters into their own hands.

But what happens when the lessons of Purim are twisted? What happens when those who were oppressed become the oppressors?

HAMAN IN SHUSHAN, HAMAN IN TEL AVIV

Zionism, which so often imagines itself in the role of Esther or Mordechai, is, in reality, the Haman of today. Like the Persian vizier who sought to exterminate a people because they refused to bow to the empire, the Zionist regime seeks to erase, subjugate, and dispossess the indigenous people of Palestine. Today, as Palestinians face massacres, sieges, and brutal military occupation, Purim demands of us not revelry but resistance.

The Baal Shem Tov taught that everything in the world contains a spark of holiness, even in exile. But exile is not merely a geographical condition; it is also moral. The worst exile is when the people forget who they are, when they become what they once resisted. The Lubavitcher Rebbe once said that Amalek is not just a nation but a force in the world—the force that seeks to destroy the dignity and divine image of the oppressed.

Who is Amalek today? Who is the Haman of our time?

Is it the child throwing stones at the tank, or the one commanding the tank to crush his home?
Is it the woman waiting at a checkpoint for hours, or the soldier denying her passage?
Is it the refugee, or the one who makes him a refugee?

The Zionist state, armed with nuclear weapons and backed by the strongest imperialist forces on earth, claims to be the vulnerable Esther, the righteous Mordechai. But in truth, it is the empire. It is the force of oppression, the one issuing decrees of destruction, forcing an entire people into ghettos, demolishing homes, and committing unspeakable massacres.

PURIM: A FESTIVAL OF ANTI-COLONIAL STRUGGLE

The story of Purim is not about ethnic vengeance; it is about liberation. It is a story of how power can be subverted, how an empire’s own decrees can be turned against it. In the Talmud (Megillah 12a), the sages debate why the Jewish people deserved Haman’s decree in the first place. One answer given is that they had become too comfortable with the rule of Ahasuerus, that they forgot their struggle.

Today, Zionism is a doctrine that teaches Jews to trust in empire, to align themselves with power rather than challenge it. It is a distortion of everything Purim teaches us.

Just as Mordechai refused to bow to Haman, so too must we refuse to bow to modern Hamans—those who justify apartheid, who enforce occupation, who massacre in the name of false security.

To celebrate Purim authentically today is to stand with the oppressed, not the oppressor.

FROM SHUSHAN TO GAZA: THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES

A Chassidic tale is told about Reb Levi Yitzchak of Berditchev. One Purim, he saw a man in rags, sitting alone, drinking from a broken cup. Reb Levi Yitzchak approached him and said, “Brother, why do you not rejoice with us?” The man replied, “Rebbe, how can I rejoice when my people are still in exile?” The Rebbe wept and said, “You are wiser than us all.”

Purim is not a time for empty celebration. It is a time to remember that no empire lasts forever. The lesson of Esther and Mordechai is not to align with imperial power but to subvert it, to use every means available to undermine its oppressive rule.

On Purim, we do not feast in forgetfulness. We celebrate in defiance. We remember the martyrs, the resistance fighters, the revolutionaries, the people who, like those in the story of Purim, refuse to bow. We celebrate those who organize, those who speak out, those who struggle for a world free from empire and oppression.

RECLAIM PURIM. CELEBRATE THE RESISTANCE. STAND WITH THE OPPRESSED.

Burning Sukkot in Gaza and Beyond

Posted on by

(Gershom Pesach Teitelbaum)

Sholem aleichem, teyere chaverim. It is with great pain in my heart that I want to speak to you today, on this yontiv of Sukkot. Sukkot is supposed to be a festival, an occasion to celebrate our shared fragility and dependence on Hashem’s protection. But over the last few weeks, we have witnessed some of the worst atrocities of our age, and this festival feels far from celebratory. Across the world, sukkot—symbols of vulnerability, shelter, and solidarity—are being violently torn down. From university campuses in the U.S. to hospital courtyards in Gaza, the physical destruction of sukkot mirrors the systematic destruction of human lives and communities.

Just days ago, at UC Berkeley, pro-Palestinian Jewish students built a sukkah in solidarity with the people of Palestine. They hoped to create a sacred space that would speak to their opposition to the genocide in Gaza and Lebanon. Their sukkah was destroyed by university officials in the early hours of the morning, a chilling echo of the Zionist regime’s violence against the people of Gaza. The students—aligned with Jewish Voice for Peace—chose to use their sukkah as a protest, a declaration of their refusal to remain silent in the face of genocide. And yet, their sukkah was demolished, twice, by those who could not tolerate even this modest symbol of resistance.

Meanwhile, in Gaza, the Zionist colonial army has been burning down real sukkot—makeshift shelters that are not symbols but desperate refuges for people displaced by the bombings. In Jabalia Refugee Camp, a 19-year-old boy and his mother were burned alive in their sukkah after seeking shelter outside the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital, which had already been devastated by airstrikes. Their sukkah was not part of a ritual; it was the only shelter they had left.

As we find ourselves in the midst of Sukkot, a festival that should remind us of our shared vulnerability, how can we not think of those for whom displacement is not a brief, symbolic reminder, but a crushing, ongoing reality? The festival of Sukkot teaches us to remember the journey of our ancestors through the wilderness, wandering without a permanent home, dependent on the grace of Hashem and the hospitality of others. “Ki basukkot hoshavti et b’nei Yisrael” (Lev. 23:43)—“I made the children of Israel dwell in sukkot”—Hashem reminds us.

The fragility of the sukkah reflects the human condition itself: none of us are permanent, and none of us can claim more right to shelter than another. We are obligated to recall that our people were once gerim—strangers, refugees—wandering through hostile lands. “Ve’ahavtem et hager, ki gerim heyitem b’eretz mitzrayim” (Deut. 10:19)—“You shall love the stranger, for you were strangers in the land of Egypt.”

But what we see today is not a symbolic reminder of that ancient wandering. It is genocide—a genocide within a genocide. In Gaza, over 42,000 people have been killed since the bombardment began, most of them women and children. The assault on Jabalia, a refugee camp dating back to the Nakba of 1948, is part of an ongoing campaign to erase entire communities. And no food has entered northern Gaza for more than 15 days. Meanwhile, Jewish students in the U.S. are having their sukkot torn down in the early hours of the morning by university officials, silencing their peaceful protest against this violence. The destruction of these sukkot—both in Gaza and at Berkeley—mirrors the destruction of life and dignity.

How far have we fallen from the Torah’s commands? The Torah instructs us to care for the ger, the stranger, and the anawim—the poor, the oppressed, the vulnerable. “Lo toneh et hager ve’lo tilchatzenu” (Ex. 22:20)—“You shall not wrong the stranger or oppress him.” Yet today, the Zionist regime violates these sacred principles. The people of Gaza are not abstract figures in a political debate. They are living, breathing tselem Elokim—people made in the image of God—whose suffering cries out from the earth like the blood of Abel.

The destruction of both literal and symbolic sukkot reminds us of the dire moral catastrophe before us. “Tzedek, tzedek tirdof”—”Justice, justice shall you pursue” (Deut. 16:20)—demands action, and yet we see only destruction. What is happening now is not only a violation of human rights but a violation of the Torah’s deepest values.

As we sit in our sukkot, reflecting on the impermanence of our dwellings, how can we ignore the permanent displacement of millions of Palestinians? The tents and makeshift shelters in Gaza are not part of a temporary ritual—they are desperate cries for survival. Families who have lost their homes live in real sukkot, and yet they are denied even the most basic sustenance as the siege continues.

The Zionist regime has trampled on the Torah’s vision of justice and peace. Its relentless assault on the people of Gaza, its bombing of hospitals, schools, and homes, is nothing less than a desecration of everything we hold sacred. How can we, as Jews, remain silent when tselem Elokim is being desecrated?

Chaverim, we cannot remain silent. Sukkot calls us to action. Our festival is incomplete while others suffer. Jewish students at UC Berkeley, who stood in solidarity with the people of Palestine, refused to remain silent. Even when their sukkah was destroyed, they continued to stand for justice. We must join them. Whether through protest, through aid, or through raising our voices, we must stand with the people of Gaza. Their liberation is tied to our own.

Until every person has shelter, until no one is displaced by violence, our sukkot remain broken. “V’haya ma’aseh ha’tzedakah shalom”—“The effect of righteousness will be peace” (Isaiah 32:17). May this Sukkot not only be a time of reflection but also a time of action. May we recommit ourselves to tzedek, to justice, so that one day soon, no person will have to dwell in fear, no tent will be burned, and no child will be forced to live through the horrors of war.

May we be worthy to see that day, speedily and in our time.

Tzedek, tzedek tirdof.

Chag Sameach and Gut Yontif.

Yiddishkayt: An Antidote to Zionism and Antisemitism

Posted on by

The past decades have seen a resurgence of antisemitism in disturbing new forms, from “white genocide” and “great replacement” conspiracies to QAnon’s feverish delusions. Leaders like Trump, Orbán, and others amplify these myths, often under the guise of populism. Antisemitic attacks on synagogues, physical violence against Jewish people, and targeted harassment have become alarmingly common. Figures like George Soros have been cast as symbols of an ancient antisemitic trope—the supposed “Jewish cabal”—not only to stoke hatred but to discredit activism itself. Through these conspiracies, climate activism, anti-racist efforts, and queer liberation are all demonized as part of a Jewish “plot.” Antisemitism today serves both as a tool of fascists and a weapon against all forms of progressive struggle.

In response, we see the imperialist core nations pushing to redefine antisemitism to include or even limit it to criticisms of Zionism. This redefinition—promoted by governments and institutions under the “working definition of antisemitism”—threatens to equate anti-Zionism with antisemitism. The irony is that openly antisemitic figures—Trump, Orbán, Bolsonaro, and Christian Zionist preachers like John Hagee—are no longer seen as problematic due to their support of the Zionist state. Meanwhile, Jewish activists who stand in solidarity with Palestine are increasingly vilified by “Aryan” politicians and police forces as antisemitic. This inversion not only distorts the struggle for Jewish safety and identity but protects colonial violence from legitimate critique.

Zionism as Antisemitism

Early Zionism itself harbored antisemitic ideas. Figures like Theodor Herzl, often called the father of modern Zionism, openly disparaged the “Diaspora Jew.” He used the term “Mauschel,” a pejorative against Jews who were poor, pious, and resilient in the shtetls of Eastern Europe. Herzl once remarked, “Anti-Semites will become our most dependable friends, the anti-Semitic countries our allies.” His vision of the “New Jew” was a sharp departure from traditional Jewish identity, imagining a blond, blue-eyed superman molded on Germanic nationalist ideals. Vladimir Jabotinsky, another key Zionist, echoed this sentiment: “Our starting point is to take the typical Yid of today and to imagine his diametrical opposite… The Yid is ugly, sickly, and lacks decorum. The Hebrew, therefore, ought to be proud and independent.” The Zionist project aimed to purge the “old Jew” and replace him with an idealized, militaristic figure.

In its attempt to realize this vision, Zionism set out to create an entirely new “Jewish culture,” with a reinvented language and art that rejected centuries of Jewish heritage. Hebrew, historically Lashon HaKodesh (the holy tongue), was reimagined as a secular national language, stripped of its traditional roots. This process sought to erase Yiddishkayt, the living culture of Yiddish-speaking Jews, alongside Sephardic and Mizrahi Jewish identities, languages, and traditions. The Zionist state sought to overwrite these identities with a uniform, nationalistic culture that bore little resemblance to the diverse Jewish ways of life it replaced.

Yiddishkayt: A Living Alternative

In contrast, Yiddishkayt is a vibrant, anti-nationalist alternative that embodies the richness of real Jewish identity. While Zionism insists on a single, militarized, colonial identity, Yiddishkayt celebrates the multiplicity of Jewish cultures and traditions developed in the Diaspora. Yiddishkayt is not an “-ism”; it is a -kayt—a way of being, rather than a rigid doctrine. Unlike Judaism, which the West often defines as a set of beliefs, Yiddishkayt reflects a mode of existence. It encompasses the singing of Yiddish folk songs, the teeming vitality of shtetl life, the melodies of Talmudic study in the cheder, and the ecstatic spirituality of Chasidic gatherings. As the Jewish Chronicle put it, “Yiddishkayt evokes the teeming vitality of the shtetl, the singsong of Talmud study emanating from the cheder, and the ecstatic spirituality of Chasidim.”

Yiddishkayt connects us with our real roots in the Diaspora communities, not with the fabricated mythology of Zionist “roots” in a colonial state. It’s a way of living, being, and struggling—a resilience forged through the centuries of Jewish life in Babylon, Persia, Al-Andalus, and the shtetls of Eastern Europe. By tapping into this heritage, we inherit a legacy that resists the nationalist, capitalist, and colonial frameworks imposed upon us.

Assimilationism: The Other Side of the Coin

Assimilationism, which attempts to erase Jewish identity for the sake of integration into “Christian” society, has often partnered with Zionism in its disdain for traditional Jewish practices. Historically, assimilationists dismissed the vibrancy of Jewish life, suggesting that Jews should conform “like normal people.” When Chasidim and Mitnagdim argued passionately over kosher slaughter, assimilationists insisted Jews should simply eat pork. When debates raged over Shabbat observance, assimilationists proposed resting on Sunday, as “normal people” do. Zionism and assimilationism have often found common ground as strategies of the urban Jewish bourgeoisie, aiming to dilute Jewish culture to fit dominant norms. Herzl himself was deeply assimilationist in aspects of his personal life, celebrating Christmas and viewing Judaism as something to shed in favor of a new, “acceptable” identity.

As the old joke goes: what was the difference between Jesus and Herzl? Jesus celebrated Hanukkah; Herzl celebrated Christmas.

A Proud Heritage for Today’s Rebels

For Jewish people today, our heritage—spanning the Babylonian and Persian Jewish communities, the Sephardic traditions of Al-Andalus, and the Ashkenazic world of the European shtetl—offers more than an identity; it offers a legacy of resilience and defiance. We should not settle for the shallow, Zionist-imposed “Jewish identity” that strips us of this richness. In the rabbinical, secular, and Bundist traditions, we find a treasure trove of revolutionary tools for our liberation.

The rabbinical tradition gives us the sharp wit of the Talmudic sages, who debated every point to sharpen both ethics and law. Secular Yiddish culture is filled with stories of the anawim—the downtrodden—and heroes of the shtetl who resisted oppression with humor, resilience, and courage. Bundism, the socialist movement of Jewish workers, forged a path for Jewish and non-Jewish solidarity in the struggle against capital and state violence.

Together, these traditions offer young Jewish rebels today an identity rooted in solidarity, wisdom, and resistance to both the Zionist redefinition of Jewishness and the assimilationist erasure of our unique ways. We look to Yiddishkayt as an antidote to the forces that seek to narrow, sanitize, or commodify Jewish identity. In embracing it, we stand on the shoulders of giants and remember that our strength lies in our diversity, our resilience, and our unyielding commitment to justice.

If Not Here, Then Where?

Posted on by

(Gershom Pesach Teitelbaum)

Rabbi Hillel’s wisdom rings down the ages: “If not now, then when?” Today, Jewish activists, from the movement “IfNotNow” to those challenging every form of oppression in the places they call home, have resurrected this question to confront Zionism’s demands. But perhaps an equally urgent question echoes alongside it: If not here, then where? It’s a question that challenges the notion that liberation depends on any specific land or place, asking instead what it means to be fully present in our struggles, right here, right now.

For the Bundist and the Jewish worker, this question asks us to reconsider the dangerous logic of nationalism—the idea that Jewish people must uproot themselves, claim another’s land, and bind their liberation to a “Jews-only” state. Zionism tells us that there is only one place in the world where Jews can be safe, secure, and fulfilled. But doikayt—the principle of “hereness”—refutes this myth. If not here, then where? Why must our liberation require a distant land, violently torn from another people, rather than be woven into the soil of the places we have lived and struggled?

When we ask If not here, then where? we are asking Jewish people to consider who we stand with and who we serve. Are we truly united with Jewish elites and state-builders simply because we share an identity? The Jewish worker has infinitely more in common with the exploited workers and oppressed communities around them than with the capitalist who merely happens to be Jewish. The unity that Zionism seeks to impose upon Jews is an illusion, an attempt to deflect the truth: that real liberation is found in solidarity with fellow workers, not in separation.

Doikayt urges us to recognize that our fight for justice is here, with the exploited and oppressed in every region, in every community. “Think globally, act locally” echoes the heart of doikayt: to think with a vision of universal justice, yet to act with deep-rooted commitment to the people and places around us. For the Jewish worker in New York, or Warsaw, or Buenos Aires, liberation is found not in a far-off “homeland,” but in the streets and homes and workshops they share with neighbors. If not here, then where?

And so we return to Hillel, and to the activists who have reignited his words. If not now, then when? If not here, then where? If we defer liberation to a single land, we lose the opportunity to root it where we are. In this hereness is the potential to transform not only Jewish life, but the lives of all who yearn for justice. Doikayt reminds us that our “homeland” is the world itself—and that only by standing here, with our neighbors and fellow workers, do we make real the vision of justice and peace.

Our Most Urgent Tasks

Posted on by

As we move toward rebuilding and strengthening the Bundist movement, there are several urgent tasks that must be addressed immediately. These tasks are essential to laying the foundation for a coordinated, international Bund capable of playing a significant role in the global socialist and anti-imperialist struggles. While we must remain patient and careful in our organizational efforts, the time to act is now.

1. Search and Contact All Revolutionary Bundist Factions

The first and most critical step is to identify and contact all existing Bundist factions. Many of these groups and individuals are currently isolated from one another, often functioning as small cells or even as lone individuals, disconnected from a broader movement. Our task is to reconnect these scattered fragments, reestablishing lines of communication and beginning the work of unity.

This requires:

  • Mapping the global Bundist movement: identifying groups and individuals who identify as Bundists, whether they are active in local struggles, cultural projects, or online spaces.

  • Building networks of solidarity: reaching out to isolated Bundists, offering them support, and inviting them to join the broader effort to reorganize the movement. This will require active outreach through social media, leftist networks, academic circles, and Jewish cultural forums.

Reuniting the different Bundist factions is the foundation upon which all further work will be built. Without this, the movement will remain fragmented and ineffective.

2. Organize the First Secretariat

Once we have made initial contact with the various Bundist groups and individuals, the next urgent task is to organize a first international secretariat. This secretariat will serve as the initial coordinating body for the movement, responsible for doing the practical work of reuniting and reorganizing the Bund.

Key roles of the secretariat include:

  • Facilitating communication between Bundist factions, ensuring that information flows freely and that the movement begins to operate as a unified whole.

  • Organizing logistics for meetings, conferences, and gatherings, whether in-person or online.

  • Supporting local groups with resources, guidance, and strategic advice as they begin to rebuild their organizations.

The secretariat will not act as a centralized authority but as a support structure for the different Bundist factions, empowering them to operate effectively in their local contexts while remaining connected to the broader international movement.

3. Organize a Central Organ for Agitprop and Organizational Work

As discussed in earlier sections, good propaganda is essential for reaching the masses and raising revolutionary consciousness. To achieve this, the Bundist movement needs a central organ—a platform through which the movement can publish its ideas, promote its activities, and build an online presence. This central organ could take the form of a website, YouTube channel, or TikTok account, depending on the platforms most accessible and effective for reaching our target audiences.

The central organ must serve two purposes:

  1. Agitprop: It will function as a hub for revolutionary propaganda, spreading the message of Bundism, socialism, and anti-Zionism through articles, videos, podcasts, memes, and more.

  2. Organizational support: The platform will also serve as a key tool for organizational work, offering resources for Bundist groups around the world, facilitating communication between them, and organizing virtual or in-person events.

This central organ will play a vital role in unifying the movement, offering a public face for the Bundist cause while helping members coordinate their efforts on the ground.

4. Build an Active Presence in Real-Life Struggles

The Bundist movement cannot exist only in the digital sphere. We must build an active presence in real-life struggles, where Bundists engage directly with the working class, marginalized communities, and the oppressed. Our aim is not just to participate in existing movements but to take on roles as organizers, propagandists, and co-leaders of these struggles.

Key areas of engagement include:

  • Labor struggles: As the Bund historically was rooted in the labor movement, we must continue this legacy by engaging with unions, workers’ councils, and labor organizing efforts. Bundists should work to raise the political level of labor movements, pushing them toward anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist positions.

  • Social justice and anti-imperialist movements: Whether in struggles for racial justice, climate justice, or anti-imperialism, Bundists must become active participants, working to unify these struggles with the broader socialist cause.

5. Organizing Revolutionary Schools for Political Education

A critical task for the Bundist movement is the organization of political education. Revolutionary theory and analysis must be made accessible to all members of the movement, and this requires the creation of formal structures for education and discussion. We propose the creation of revolutionary schools or educational programs, aimed at teaching “young Bundists” of all ages.

These schools should offer:

  • Courses on revolutionary theory, including Marxism, socialism, anarchism, and Bundist history.

  • Workshops on practical organizing skills, such as strike coordination, community organizing, and propaganda production.

  • Discussion forums where Bundists can engage with each other on key theoretical and strategic questions, ensuring that the movement is intellectually vibrant and continually evolving.

Through these educational programs, we can build a new generation of Bundist leaders who are equipped with both the theoretical knowledge and practical skills necessary for revolution.

6. Building International and Inter-Denominational Solidarity

The Bundist movement must also place a strong emphasis on building international and inter-denominational solidarity. As discussed in earlier sections, we cannot struggle for Jewish liberation in isolation. Our fight is bound up with the broader global fight against imperialism, capitalism, and all forms of oppression.

This means:

  • Building alliances with other socialist movements, both Jewish and non-Jewish, ensuring that our movement is part of a larger revolutionary network.

  • Collaborating with interfaith movements, particularly with progressive Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, and other religious communities who share our commitment to justice, anti-imperialism, and socialism. Bundism must be part of a broader interfaith socialist movement that connects the struggles of various religious and cultural communities.

In this spirit of internationalism, Bundists must work to bridge the divides between oppressed peoples, recognizing that our liberation is intertwined with the liberation of all.

7. Building Local Offline Base-Groups

A socialist movement must free itself from the limitations of a purely online operation. While our online presence is crucial for spreading ideas, organizing propaganda, and connecting isolated comrades, real, durable growth as a movement will depend on in-person, local organizing. To that end, we must create a structure that supports the formation of local offline base-groups in as many regions as possible. These base-groups will serve as the backbone of the movement, grounding our revolutionary work in the daily struggles of Jewish workers and their communities.

For comrades in regions where forming a local base-group is not yet feasible, we must establish a global online discussion forum where isolated individuals can participate in the movement’s activities, engage in political education, and contribute to our strategy and analysis. The coordinating secretariat will oversee both the newly formed local groups and the older, more established Bundist organizations, ensuring that all parts of the movement remain connected and unified.

Our focus must be on fostering real-world engagement, creating a strong IRL presence in labor movements, community struggles, and anti-imperialist actions. The combination of grassroots, local work with our broader, online network will provide the foundation for a durable, international Bundist movement capable of growing and sustaining itself in the long-term.

Conclusion

The tasks outlined here represent the most urgent steps in rebuilding the Bundist movement. By reconnecting Bundist factions, organizing a secretariat, establishing a central organ, engaging in real-life struggles, and building solidarity across movements and faiths, we can lay the groundwork for a unified, international Bund capable of fighting for Jewish liberation and socialism on a global scale.

Organizing a Movement

Posted on by

The reorganization of the Bundist movement, scattered across regions and ideological currents, requires a well-coordinated and structured effort. To rebuild a united Jewish Bundist movement that can meet the challenges of the 21st century, we must establish a flexible yet organized framework that supports the diversity within our movement while providing the strength and coherence needed for revolutionary action.

The Need for a Coordinating Structure

To unite the disparate factions and groups that identify with Bundism today, we need a central, international coordinating structure—a secretariat that serves as a unifying force for all Bundist movements. This secretariat should be seen as the first step toward a real international leadership. Its role in this early phase is not to dictate policies or centralize power but to support the various Bundist organizations, helping them coordinate, communicate, and share resources.

The secretariat will serve several key functions:

  • Facilitating communication between Bundist groups across the world, ensuring that experiences, strategies, and tactics can be shared and learned from.

  • Organizing shared resources, such as educational materials, propaganda, and platforms for discussion, to help each Bundist group build its capacity.

  • Providing technical support for organizing events, conferences, and gatherings that bring Bundists together—both online and in person.

The secretariat should focus on unifying the movement without imposing rigid hierarchies or demanding uniformity in tactics. Its role, at this stage, is purely supportive, aimed at empowering the different branches of Bundism to grow and connect with one another.

Balancing Centralism and Diversity

One of the most crucial challenges in organizing a movement as diverse as the Bund is finding the right balance between centralism and diversity. Centralism, when used wisely, helps ensure that the movement can act cohesively, especially when facing a shared enemy like imperialism, capitalism, or Zionism. However, excessive centralization can stifle the very diversity that gives the Bund its strength—different regions, cultures, and socialist traditions bring unique insights and strategies to the movement.

In the Bundist movement, centralism should never be about controlling or homogenizing the various groups but about coordination. The secretariat must work to harmonize the diverse forms of Bundism into a collective force while allowing for differences in local conditions, strategies, and priorities. Diversity is not a weakness—it is a source of resilience. Our movement thrives when different groups can experiment with new forms of organization and resistance, sharing their successes and failures with the broader network.

Supporting the Movement, Not Leading It (Yet)

In this first phase of rebuilding the Bund, the international secretariat’s primary task is to support the movement. This includes providing technical, organizational, and strategic assistance to Bundist factions around the world. Its role is not yet to lead but to facilitate. Only once the movement is stronger and more united should the secretariat begin taking on more leadership responsibilities. Even then, leadership should be understood as servant leadership—aimed at empowering the movement rather than controlling it.

Over time, as the Bund becomes more cohesive and organized, the secretariat may take on leadership responsibilities in the form of coordination between factions, setting long-term goals, and organizing international campaigns. But this process must be gradual, based on trust and mutual respect among Bundist groups.

The Bund as a Jewish Socialist League

The Bundist movement should not aim to become just one more socialist party in a world already overflowing with various socialist factions and tendencies. In many regions, especially those where socialist parties already exist, it may be more effective to organize the Bund as a Jewish socialist league. This would allow Bundists to engage with comrades from multiple socialist parties, working across organizational lines while maintaining their distinct identity and focus on Jewish liberation, socialism, and anti-Zionism.

By organizing as a league rather than a party, the Bund can act as a cross-party platform, bringing together members from different socialist movements who share a commitment to the Bund’s principles of doikayt, yiddishkayt, and sotsializm. This model fosters collaboration and solidarity, rather than dividing the socialist movement further by creating yet another competing party.

Organizing an International Conference

One of the most immediate goals of the new Bundist movement should be the organization of an international conference. This conference would bring together representatives from all Bundist factions, whether in-person or online, to discuss the movement’s future and elect a daily leadership to coordinate the international work.

This conference would serve several purposes:

  • Reuniting and reconnecting the different groups and factions that identify as Bundist, allowing them to share experiences and strategies.

  • Developing a collective vision for the future of the movement, discussing key issues such as anti-Zionism, labor struggles, and cultural preservation.

  • Electing a daily leadership that can serve as a point of contact and coordination for the entire movement, ensuring that Bundist groups around the world can act in concert.

The conference should also serve as a forum for debate and discussion, allowing different factions to bring forward their ideas and proposals for the future of Bundism. It must be a democratic space, open to all tendencies within the movement, and should encourage diversity of thought and strategy while maintaining a shared commitment to the principles of the Bund.

Conclusion

Organizing the Bundist movement in the 21st century requires careful planning, a commitment to pluralism, and the creation of structures that support unity without stifling diversity. The international secretariat will play a vital role in this process, not as a centralized authority but as a coordinating body that empowers Bundist factions around the world to act together. By balancing centralism with diversity and organizing cross-party collaborations, the Bund can become a powerful force in the global socialist movement. The first step in this process will be an international conference, where Bundists from across the globe can gather, share, and build a collective vision for the future of Jewish socialism.

Building Bridges: Expanding Solidarity and Collaboration

Posted on by

The Bundist movement, both in its historical and contemporary forms, has always been rooted in solidarity. To fight effectively for Jewish liberation, we must recognize that our struggle is deeply interconnected with other struggles for justice. Today, the Jewish Bundist movement must find new and creative ways to collaborate with a wide variety of movements that share our anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, and anti-Zionist principles. The strength of the Bund comes not only from its focus on Jewish liberation but from its capacity to build alliances with other oppressed peoples and movements.

Intersectionality: Understanding Oppression as a Whole

At the heart of our struggle lies an intersectional understanding of oppression. We must recognize that antisemitism, Islamophobia, racism, sexism, queerphobia, and class oppression are not isolated phenomena—they are all integral components of the same patriarchal, colonial, and capitalist system. Our political program must reflect this understanding, fighting against all these forms of domination and exploitation simultaneously.

The Bund must act as a unifying force, bringing together diverse groups that are all fighting against different facets of the same system. This means recognizing the different intersecting struggles and seeing Jewish liberation as one piece of the larger struggle for universal emancipation. It also means resisting any narrow, sectarian focus on purely Jewish issues, while embracing a broader, more inclusive vision of justice and liberation for all.

Contradictions: Friends and Enemies in the Struggle

In building alliances, it is critical to distinguish between the contradictions we face in our struggle. As Mao Zedong famously wrote, we must differentiate between “contradictions between us and our enemies”—that is, the contradictions between the working class and the imperialist bourgeoisie—and “contradictions among the people”, which exist between various movements and comrades.

This framework helps us understand the difference between enemies who perpetuate oppression and comrades who may not fully agree with us on every issue but share the same ultimate goals of liberation and justice. We must build alliances with socialist, anti-Zionist, and anti-imperialist movements, recognizing comrades who move in the same direction as us, even when tactical or theoretical differences arise. At the same time, we must distance ourselves from reactionary forces, whether they exist within Jewish communities or elsewhere, who uphold Zionism, imperialism, and capitalism.

Building an Interfaith Intersocialist Movement

Another crucial area of solidarity is with radical progressive forces within the broader Judeo-Islamic and interfaith socialist movements. In today’s world, one of the most powerful centers of the anti-imperialist struggle lies in the collaboration between Jews and Muslims, particularly between radical anti-Zionist Jewish movements and Muslim resistance organizations (both Sunni and Shia). These alliances have been particularly evident in the Palestinian struggle, where Palestinian and Jewish anti-Zionist movements work hand-in-hand against the occupation and apartheid regime.

But the potential for collaboration goes beyond this. Radical Sikh, Christian, and other religious socialist movements are also engaged in struggles against various forms of capitalism and imperialism. Building the Bundist movement must be seen as part of building an interfaith socialist movement, one that is rooted in the shared ethical foundations of the world’s prophetic traditions—Judaism, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, and others—all of which call for justice, liberation, and the protection of the oppressed.

Forging Ties with the Broader Labor Movement

At the same time, the Bundist movement cannot afford to ignore the broader labor movement. Historically, the Bund was a labor-oriented movement, dedicated to organizing Jewish workers as part of the global working-class struggle. Today, we must renew those ties with the unions, workers’ parties, and labor organizations around the world. However, we must approach this collaboration with a clear-eyed recognition that many labor movements today are reformist or compromised by capitalist interests.

The task of the Bundist movement is to raise the political level of the labor movement to a consequent anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist level. By bringing our anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist politics into the labor movement, we can help steer unions and workers’ parties toward more radical positions, connecting their struggles for economic justice with the broader fight against colonialism and imperialism.

Identifying Major Allies in the Anti-Zionist Resistance

The global struggle against Zionism has helped identify major allies for the Bundist movement. Over the last several years, the anti-Zionist resistance has been led by a surprising coalition of groups. Young Jewish anti-Zionists, often drawing inspiration from Bundism, have taken a leading role. They are joined by Muslim comrades, particularly Palestinians and Lebanese, who have been at the forefront of the struggle against Zionist occupation and oppression.

The involvement of radical queer activists has also been a key feature of this alliance. These activists, often marginalized within traditional leftist movements, have found a place in the intersectional anti-Zionist front, connecting their struggles for gender and sexual liberation with the broader fight against colonialism and apartheid.

The Bundist movement must actively support and strengthen this front, recognizing that its success is not only essential for the liberation of Palestinians but for the global struggle against imperialism. In doing so, we also lean on the support of these non-Jewish parts of the resistance, forging bonds of solidarity that will strengthen all of our movements.

Conclusion

The Jewish Bundist movement must become a force for building bridges between different struggles for liberation. By working in solidarity with other anti-Zionist, anti-imperialist, and anti-capitalist movements, we can create a broad, intersectional front that unites oppressed peoples in the fight for justice. This front must include religious socialists from the Jewish, Muslim, Sikh, and Christian traditions, labor unions, and the rising generation of Jewish, Muslim, and queer activists. Together, we can create the foundations for a global socialist movement that is capable of taking on capitalism, imperialism, and all forms of oppression.

Reaching Hearts, Minds, and Hands of the Jewish Workers

Posted on by

As Karl Marx famously remarked, “Theory becomes a material force when it grips the masses.” This insight highlights the fundamental relationship between revolutionary theory and praxis. Ideas, no matter how profound, remain impotent unless they inspire action among the people. The task of a revolutionary movement, especially one like the Bund, is to ensure that its theory connects deeply with the Jewish working class and broader proletariat. To achieve this, we must focus on effective agitprop (agitation and propaganda), the lifeblood of any movement that seeks to awaken political consciousness and mobilize the masses.

The Role of Agitprop

Agitprop is not merely about disseminating information or raising awareness. It is about agitating the masses, stirring their emotions and consciousness in such a way that they begin to see their role in the revolutionary process. It is about reaching not only the minds but also the hearts and hands of the working class, inspiring them to act against the systems of oppression that bind them. As Brecht noted in his essay “Writing the Truth: Five Difficulties,” it is not enough to recognize the truth; revolutionaries must know how to use it as a weapon, crafting their message in a way that both resonates with and empowers those it seeks to reach.

Content and Form: Learning from Brecht’s Five Difficulties

When constructing effective agitprop, we must contend with the same difficulties that Brecht identified for truth-tellers in oppressive times:

  • The Courage to Speak the Truth: Good agitprop must be bold, unflinching in its critique of the systems of capitalism, imperialism, and Zionism. It must call out the exploitation and suffering faced by the Jewish working class, even when it risks backlash from both the Zionist establishment and capitalist interests. This requires not just theoretical knowledge but the courage to use that knowledge to confront power.

  • The Keenness to Recognize the Truth: Revolutionary messages must reflect the actual material conditions faced by workers. This means our agitprop must be based on a clear understanding of class struggle, imperialism, and oppression—never resorting to vague slogans or easy answers. Bundist agitprop should demonstrate a deep grasp of the particularities of Jewish workers’ experiences and how they intersect with the struggles of other oppressed groups.

  • The Skill to Communicate the Truth Effectively: Once the truth is recognized, it must be communicated in a way that not only informs but inspires action. This is where form becomes as important as content. Whether through posters, zines, memes, TikTok videos, or podcasts, the form must be engaging and accessible, yet retain the revolutionary integrity of the message. Content should be emotional, stirring, and simple enough to be understood but deep enough to provoke reflection and radicalization.

  • The Judgment to Reach Those Ready to Act: Not every person exposed to agitprop will be moved to take revolutionary action, and that’s okay. The key is to focus on those who are already questioning the system, those who are dissatisfied with the status quo but unsure of the next steps. Bundist agitprop must identify and target these workers, students, and marginalized individuals who have the potential to be radicalized and mobilized.

  • The Cunning to Distribute the Truth Widely: In the digital age, the challenges of censorship and repression remain real. Our task is to be cunning in how we spread revolutionary ideas—leveraging both mainstream and alternative media, building networks of solidarity, and using decentralized methods of communication. We must distribute materials through social media platforms while also building our own spaces for radical discourse (blogs, websites, forums) where the voices of revolution are free from corporate or state interference.

Creating Organizational Structures for Agitprop

Good agitprop is not just a matter of producing content. It must be systematically organized, distributed, and integrated into the broader work of the movement. This requires creating an organizational structure capable of consistently producing, publishing, and broadcasting our revolutionary ideas. To ensure our ideas reach the Jewish working class and beyond, we need to establish a central organ or hub for Bundist agitprop.

  • A Central Organ: Whether it’s a website, blog, YouTube channel, TikTok account, or discussion forum, the Bundist movement must create a central organ that serves as a platform for agitprop. This platform should be a place where revolutionary materials (articles, videos, memes, podcasts, zines) are produced and disseminated. It must become the voice of the movement, accessible to the masses and responsive to the ongoing struggles they face.

  • Propaganda as Praxis: Propaganda is not just a tool for educating or persuading—it is praxis. It is a form of action that, when done effectively, shapes consciousness and alters the material world by inspiring others to organize and resist. Every poster printed, every meme shared, every zine distributed is part of the revolutionary process. It is through this praxis that the Bundist movement can begin to build the material force necessary to confront capitalist and imperialist systems.

The Importance of Agitprop to Mobilization

Revolutionary theory cannot exist in isolation. It becomes a material force only when it grips the masses, as Marx famously noted. But the masses will not grasp theory unless they are moved—agitated—into asking the right questions. Agitprop is the bridge between revolutionary theory and mass mobilization. The questions it raises are as important as the answers it provides, because answers only matter to those who have already begun to ask.

For the Bundist movement, our agitprop must address the specific concerns of the Jewish working class, while connecting their struggles to the broader class struggle worldwide. The fight against antisemitism must be linked to the fight against Zionism and capitalism. The defense of Yiddishkayt must be tied to the defense of cultural autonomy for all oppressed peoples. And the call for Jewish liberation must be inseparable from the call for global socialism.

Conclusion

In this digital age, the tools for creating and distributing revolutionary propaganda are more accessible than ever. But the challenge lies in using these tools effectively, in creating agitprop that not only informs but inspires, that reaches the masses and moves them to act. By building a central organ for Bundist agitprop and taking lessons from Brecht’s five difficulties, we can ensure that our message grips the minds, hearts, and hands of the Jewish working class and all who fight for a socialist future.

A Bundist Political Program for Our Time

Posted on by

As a Jewish Bundist movement, we need a political program that expresses the unique blend of Jewish socialism, rooted in our history and traditions, while addressing the contemporary challenges we face. Our program is not meant to be static or rigid—it must adapt to the specific political contexts of different countries and regions. What unites all Bundist movements and individuals across borders are the core principles that have defined Bundism from its inception: doikayt, yiddishkayt, and sotsializm. These concepts form the backbone of our political program, anchoring us in the revolutionary struggle for Jewish liberation and global socialism.

3.a. Doikayt: Here and Now, Everywhere

The concept of doikayt, or “hereness,” is central to Bundist politics. It rejects the Zionist claim that Jewish liberation can only be achieved in a Jewish nation-state, such as Israel. Instead, doikayt calls for organizing the struggle for Jewish liberation in the places where Jewish people currently live. Jewish liberation is not tied to any specific territory but is part of a broader struggle for the liberation of all oppressed peoples, wherever they are.

Doikayt is the antidote to the Zionist “final solution” to the so-called “Jewish problem.” Zionism sought to resolve antisemitism by creating an ethnonationalist Jewish state, rooted in the dispossession of the Palestinian people. Doikayt rejects this colonialist solution and insists that Jewish people, like all other peoples, must fight for their liberation within the countries they inhabit. This liberation is tied to the global socialist movement and must transcend the false binary between local and international struggles.

Why Anti-Zionism?

For the Bund, anti-Zionism is not just a stance on Israel—it is a fundamental part of our anti-imperialist politics. Zionism represents a reactionary response to Jewish oppression, one that aligns itself with imperialist powers and perpetuates new forms of colonialism. Our anti-Zionism is grounded in several key arguments:

  • Zionism as an Outpost of Imperialism: Israel is one of the most important outposts of Euro-American imperialism in West Asia. The Zionist state serves as a military and political ally of the U.S. and other Western powers, playing a crucial role in maintaining imperialist control over the region. By struggling for the abolition of the Zionist colony, we directly target a key link in the global imperialist network.

  • Palestine as a Symbol of Class Struggle: The Palestinian struggle, much like the Vietnamese struggle decades ago, has become both the symbolic and material focal point of the class struggle today. In the contradictions of this struggle—between settler-colonialism and indigenous resistance, between imperialist power and oppressed peoples—all the contradictions of late-stage capitalism are laid bare.

  • Zionism as a Laboratory for Oppression: Israel has become a global laboratory for developing and distributing tools of oppression, from high-tech weapons to surveillance technologies. These tools are “battle-tested” on the Palestinian people and exported to oppressive regimes worldwide. The Zionist state is not just an occupier—it is a supplier of repression.

  • Zionism and Antisemitism: The existence of the Zionist colony and the crimes it commits in its ethnic cleansing of Palestine worsen antisemitism globally. By conflating Jewish identity with Zionism, Israel fuels antisemitic rhetoric and violence. For the Bund, the struggle against Zionism is also a struggle against antisemitism. We refuse to allow the Zionist state to hijack Jewish identity.

  • Zionism as Antisemitism: Zionist ideology recycles some of the most reactionary antisemitic tropes, such as the idea that Jews cannot live among non-Jews or that Jews are inherently different and require a separate state. This worldview is deeply antisemitic in itself, and we must resist it as part of our broader fight for Jewish liberation.

Doikayt does not mean assimilationism. The Bundist idea of national liberation is one of cultural and political autonomy without the need for a nation-state. Jewish self-determination can and must exist within the broader framework of socialist internationalism.

3.b. Yiddishkayt: Reconnecting to Our Roots

Yiddishkayt, in its broadest sense, refers to the rich cultural traditions of the Jewish diaspora. These traditions, which include Yiddish, Ladino, and the many other languages, customs, and practices of Jewish communities across the world, are essential to our collective identity as Jews. Yiddishkayt is about continuity—about reconnecting to the ancestral cultures that have sustained Jewish communities in exile for centuries.

This continuity is vital in our struggle against Zionism. Zionist ideology deliberately sought to erase and delegitimize these diverse Jewish cultures, promoting a homogenized, nationalist “Hebrew culture” in their place. This erasure was rooted in an antisemitic hatred of the “diaspora Jew,” portraying the diasporic Jewish identity as weak, submissive, and corrupt. The Zionists wanted to replace the “diaspora Jew” with the “new Jew”—a militarized, ethnonationalist identity tied to the settler-colonial project of Israel.

The Bundist struggle for Yiddishkayt is, therefore, a struggle against this deliberate destruction of Jewish diaspora cultures. It is a struggle to reclaim our history and resist the Zionist erasure of Jewish traditions that existed for millennia in exile.

Furthermore, Yiddishkayt is part of the broader fight for the right of minority communities to live according to their own traditions and insights. It is the fight for national and communal self-determination, where cultures can thrive without the need for assimilation or domination by hegemonic states.

Fighting Antisemitism

Central to Yiddishkayt is the ongoing struggle against antisemitism. This struggle requires a clear understanding of antisemitism’s historical roots, which are deeply embedded in Christian Europe. We reject the false Zionist claim that antisemitism is primarily an Arab or Muslim phenomenon. The roots of antisemitism are white-European and Christian, and they have been weaponized by Zionists to justify the oppression of Palestinians. Yiddishkayt must stand in solidarity with all marginalized peoples, recognizing the intersectionality of their struggles.

3.c. Sotsializm: The Only Path to Liberation

Finally, Bundism is rooted in sotsializm—the socialist belief that the liberation of the Jewish people, and all oppressed peoples, is impossible under the conditions of the capitalist imperialist world order. Jewish workers will never be free as long as the means of production are owned by a tiny group of wealthy capitalists, whether Jewish or not. Similarly, no community or nation can be truly free while the global economy is dominated by imperialist powers and multinational corporations.

Colonialism gave rise to the racialization of people and the creation of “racial” hierarchies that continue to shape the world today. Antisemitism is an integral part of this cluster of racisms that lie at the heart of capitalist colonial ideology. Just as Black and Indigenous peoples have been racialized and exploited, so too have Jews been targeted through antisemitism.

But antisemitism is also a tool of divide and rule, separating Jewish workers from their non-Jewish comrades. The Jewish working class and the Jewish bourgeoisie have nothing in common. Their interests are diametrically opposed. Jewish workers must unite with non-Jewish workers in a global front against the bourgeoisie, both Jewish and non-Jewish.

This united front is the only path to real liberation. Sotsializm calls for the abolition of capitalism and imperialism, and the construction of a classless, stateless society. Only through the destruction of these oppressive systems can the Jewish people, and all people, be truly free.

Conclusion

A Bundist political program for our time must be rooted in the principles of doikayt, yiddishkayt, and sotsializm. These concepts provide a roadmap for Jewish liberation that rejects Zionism and imperialism, embraces cultural and communal autonomy, and fights for the overthrow of capitalism. By grounding ourselves in this political program, we can continue the struggle for a world in which all peoples are free to determine their own destinies—together, in solidarity with one another.