As Karl Marx famously remarked, “Theory becomes a material force when it grips the masses.” This insight highlights the fundamental relationship between revolutionary theory and praxis. Ideas, no matter how profound, remain impotent unless they inspire action among the people. The task of a revolutionary movement, especially one like the Bund, is to ensure that its theory connects deeply with the Jewish working class and broader proletariat. To achieve this, we must focus on effective agitprop (agitation and propaganda), the lifeblood of any movement that seeks to awaken political consciousness and mobilize the masses.

The Role of Agitprop

Agitprop is not merely about disseminating information or raising awareness. It is about agitating the masses, stirring their emotions and consciousness in such a way that they begin to see their role in the revolutionary process. It is about reaching not only the minds but also the hearts and hands of the working class, inspiring them to act against the systems of oppression that bind them. As Brecht noted in his essay “Writing the Truth: Five Difficulties,” it is not enough to recognize the truth; revolutionaries must know how to use it as a weapon, crafting their message in a way that both resonates with and empowers those it seeks to reach.

Content and Form: Learning from Brecht’s Five Difficulties

When constructing effective agitprop, we must contend with the same difficulties that Brecht identified for truth-tellers in oppressive times:

• The Courage to Speak the Truth: Good agitprop must be bold, unflinching in its critique of the systems of capitalism, imperialism, and Zionism. It must call out the exploitation and suffering faced by the Jewish working class, even when it risks backlash from both the Zionist establishment and capitalist interests. This requires not just theoretical knowledge but the courage to use that knowledge to confront power.

• The Keenness to Recognize the Truth: Revolutionary messages must reflect the actual material conditions faced by workers. This means our agitprop must be based on a clear understanding of class struggle, imperialism, and oppression—never resorting to vague slogans or easy answers. Bundist agitprop should demonstrate a deep grasp of the particularities of Jewish workers’ experiences and how they intersect with the struggles of other oppressed groups.

• The Skill to Communicate the Truth Effectively: Once the truth is recognized, it must be communicated in a way that not only informs but inspires action. This is where form becomes as important as content. Whether through posters, zines, memes, TikTok videos, or podcasts, the form must be engaging and accessible, yet retain the revolutionary integrity of the message. Content should be emotional, stirring, and simple enough to be understood but deep enough to provoke reflection and radicalization.

• The Judgment to Reach Those Ready to Act: Not every person exposed to agitprop will be moved to take revolutionary action, and that’s okay. The key is to focus on those who are already questioning the system, those who are dissatisfied with the status quo but unsure of the next steps. Bundist agitprop must identify and target these workers, students, and marginalized individuals who have the potential to be radicalized and mobilized.

• The Cunning to Distribute the Truth Widely: In the digital age, the challenges of censorship and repression remain real. Our task is to be cunning in how we spread revolutionary ideas—leveraging both mainstream and alternative media, building networks of solidarity, and using decentralized methods of communication. We must distribute materials through social media platforms while also building our own spaces for radical discourse (blogs, websites, forums) where the voices of revolution are free from corporate or state interference.

Creating Organizational Structures for Agitprop

Good agitprop is not just a matter of producing content. It must be systematically organized, distributed, and integrated into the broader work of the movement. This requires creating an organizational structure capable of consistently producing, publishing, and broadcasting our revolutionary ideas. To ensure our ideas reach the Jewish working class and beyond, we need to establish a central organ or hub for Bundist agitprop.

• A Central Organ: Whether it’s a website, blog, YouTube channel, TikTok account, or discussion forum, the Bundist movement must create a central organ that serves as a platform for agitprop. This platform should be a place where revolutionary materials (articles, videos, memes, podcasts, zines) are produced and disseminated. It must become the voice of the movement, accessible to the masses and responsive to the ongoing struggles they face.

• Propaganda as Praxis: Propaganda is not just a tool for educating or persuading—it is praxis. It is a form of action that, when done effectively, shapes consciousness and alters the material world by inspiring others to organize and resist. Every poster printed, every meme shared, every zine distributed is part of the revolutionary process. It is through this praxis that the Bundist movement can begin to build the material force necessary to confront capitalist and imperialist systems.

The Importance of Agitprop to Mobilization

Revolutionary theory cannot exist in isolation. It becomes a material force only when it grips the masses, as Marx famously noted. But the masses will not grasp theory unless they are moved—agitated—into asking the right questions. Agitprop is the bridge between revolutionary theory and mass mobilization. The questions it raises are as important as the answers it provides, because answers only matter to those who have already begun to ask.

For the Bundist movement, our agitprop must address the specific concerns of the Jewish working class, while connecting their struggles to the broader class struggle worldwide. The fight against antisemitism must be linked to the fight against Zionism and capitalism. The defense of Yiddishkayt must be tied to the defense of cultural autonomy for all oppressed peoples. And the call for Jewish liberation must be inseparable from the call for global socialism.

Conclusion

In this digital age, the tools for creating and distributing revolutionary propaganda are more accessible than ever. But the challenge lies in using these tools effectively, in creating agitprop that not only informs but inspires, that reaches the masses and moves them to act. By building a central organ for Bundist agitprop and taking lessons from Brecht’s five difficulties, we can ensure that our message grips the minds, hearts, and hands of the Jewish working class and all who fight for a socialist future.

As a Jewish Bundist movement, we need a political program that expresses the unique blend of Jewish socialism, rooted in our history and traditions, while addressing the contemporary challenges we face. Our program is not meant to be static or rigid—it must adapt to the specific political contexts of different countries and regions. What unites all Bundist movements and individuals across borders are the core principles that have defined Bundism from its inception: doikayt, yiddishkayt, and sotsializm. These concepts form the backbone of our political program, anchoring us in the revolutionary struggle for Jewish liberation and global socialism.

3.a. Doikayt: Here and Now, Everywhere

The concept of doikayt, or “hereness,” is central to Bundist politics. It rejects the Zionist claim that Jewish liberation can only be achieved in a Jewish nation-state, such as Israel. Instead, doikayt calls for organizing the struggle for Jewish liberation in the places where Jewish people currently live. Jewish liberation is not tied to any specific territory but is part of a broader struggle for the liberation of all oppressed peoples, wherever they are.

Doikayt is the antidote to the Zionist “final solution” to the so-called “Jewish problem.” Zionism sought to resolve antisemitism by creating an ethnonationalist Jewish state, rooted in the dispossession of the Palestinian people. Doikayt rejects this colonialist solution and insists that Jewish people, like all other peoples, must fight for their liberation within the countries they inhabit. This liberation is tied to the global socialist movement and must transcend the false binary between local and international struggles.

Why Anti-Zionism?

For the Bund, anti-Zionism is not just a stance on Israel—it is a fundamental part of our anti-imperialist politics. Zionism represents a reactionary response to Jewish oppression, one that aligns itself with imperialist powers and perpetuates new forms of colonialism. Our anti-Zionism is grounded in several key arguments:

• Zionism as an Outpost of Imperialism: Israel is one of the most important outposts of Euro-American imperialism in West Asia. The Zionist state serves as a military and political ally of the U.S. and other Western powers, playing a crucial role in maintaining imperialist control over the region. By struggling for the abolition of the Zionist colony, we directly target a key link in the global imperialist network.

• Palestine as a Symbol of Class Struggle: The Palestinian struggle, much like the Vietnamese struggle decades ago, has become both the symbolic and material focal point of the class struggle today. In the contradictions of this struggle—between settler-colonialism and indigenous resistance, between imperialist power and oppressed peoples—all the contradictions of late-stage capitalism are laid bare.

• Zionism as a Laboratory for Oppression: Israel has become a global laboratory for developing and distributing tools of oppression, from high-tech weapons to surveillance technologies. These tools are “battle-tested” on the Palestinian people and exported to oppressive regimes worldwide. The Zionist state is not just an occupier—it is a supplier of repression.

• Zionism and Antisemitism: The existence of the Zionist colony and the crimes it commits in its ethnic cleansing of Palestine worsen antisemitism globally. By conflating Jewish identity with Zionism, Israel fuels antisemitic rhetoric and violence. For the Bund, the struggle against Zionism is also a struggle against antisemitism. We refuse to allow the Zionist state to hijack Jewish identity.

• Zionism as Antisemitism: Zionist ideology recycles some of the most reactionary antisemitic tropes, such as the idea that Jews cannot live among non-Jews or that Jews are inherently different and require a separate state. This worldview is deeply antisemitic in itself, and we must resist it as part of our broader fight for Jewish liberation.

Doikayt does not mean assimilationism. The Bundist idea of national liberation is one of cultural and political autonomy without the need for a nation-state. Jewish self-determination can and must exist within the broader framework of socialist internationalism.

3.b. Yiddishkayt: Reconnecting to Our Roots

Yiddishkayt, in its broadest sense, refers to the rich cultural traditions of the Jewish diaspora. These traditions, which include Yiddish, Ladino, and the many other languages, customs, and practices of Jewish communities across the world, are essential to our collective identity as Jews. Yiddishkayt is about continuity—about reconnecting to the ancestral cultures that have sustained Jewish communities in exile for centuries.

This continuity is vital in our struggle against Zionism. Zionist ideology deliberately sought to erase and delegitimize these diverse Jewish cultures, promoting a homogenized, nationalist “Hebrew culture” in their place. This erasure was rooted in an antisemitic hatred of the “diaspora Jew,” portraying the diasporic Jewish identity as weak, submissive, and corrupt. The Zionists wanted to replace the “diaspora Jew” with the “new Jew”—a militarized, ethnonationalist identity tied to the settler-colonial project of Israel.

The Bundist struggle for Yiddishkayt is, therefore, a struggle against this deliberate destruction of Jewish diaspora cultures. It is a struggle to reclaim our history and resist the Zionist erasure of Jewish traditions that existed for millennia in exile.

Furthermore, Yiddishkayt is part of the broader fight for the right of minority communities to live according to their own traditions and insights. It is the fight for national and communal self-determination, where cultures can thrive without the need for assimilation or domination by hegemonic states.

Fighting Antisemitism

Central to Yiddishkayt is the ongoing struggle against antisemitism. This struggle requires a clear understanding of antisemitism’s historical roots, which are deeply embedded in Christian Europe. We reject the false Zionist claim that antisemitism is primarily an Arab or Muslim phenomenon. The roots of antisemitism are white-European and Christian, and they have been weaponized by Zionists to justify the oppression of Palestinians. Yiddishkayt must stand in solidarity with all marginalized peoples, recognizing the intersectionality of their struggles.

3.c. Sotsializm: The Only Path to Liberation

Finally, Bundism is rooted in sotsializm—the socialist belief that the liberation of the Jewish people, and all oppressed peoples, is impossible under the conditions of the capitalist imperialist world order. Jewish workers will never be free as long as the means of production are owned by a tiny group of wealthy capitalists, whether Jewish or not. Similarly, no community or nation can be truly free while the global economy is dominated by imperialist powers and multinational corporations.

Colonialism gave rise to the racialization of people and the creation of “racial” hierarchies that continue to shape the world today. Antisemitism is an integral part of this cluster of racisms that lie at the heart of capitalist colonial ideology. Just as Black and Indigenous peoples have been racialized and exploited, so too have Jews been targeted through antisemitism.

But antisemitism is also a tool of divide and rule, separating Jewish workers from their non-Jewish comrades. The Jewish working class and the Jewish bourgeoisie have nothing in common. Their interests are diametrically opposed. Jewish workers must unite with non-Jewish workers in a global front against the bourgeoisie, both Jewish and non-Jewish.

This united front is the only path to real liberation. Sotsializm calls for the abolition of capitalism and imperialism, and the construction of a classless, stateless society. Only through the destruction of these oppressive systems can the Jewish people, and all people, be truly free.

Conclusion

A Bundist political program for our time must be rooted in the principles of doikayt, yiddishkayt, and sotsializm. These concepts provide a roadmap for Jewish liberation that rejects Zionism and imperialism, embraces cultural and communal autonomy, and fights for the overthrow of capitalism. By grounding ourselves in this political program, we can continue the struggle for a world in which all peoples are free to determine their own destinies—together, in solidarity with one another.

At the core of any revolutionary movement lies the need for an accurate understanding of the world. Revolutionary theory is not an abstract exercise in intellectualism; it is a vital tool for grasping the material realities of oppression and exploitation. In order to change the world, we must first understand it. This principle, long emphasized by revolutionary thinkers such as Lenin and Mao, remains as relevant today as ever.

The Role of Revolutionary Theory

Revolutionary theory is the compass that guides us through the complexity of political struggles. In Lenin’s What Is to Be Done?, he stresses that without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement. He argues that the spontaneity of workers’ struggles is not enough—what is required is a clear and organized understanding of the system of oppression and the strategic means of overthrowing it. Lenin’s emphasis on the need for revolutionary leadership, rooted in a deep theoretical understanding of capitalism and imperialism, is a lesson that remains central to the Bundist movement today. We cannot rely solely on the raw energies of discontent; we must provide direction and clarity through a comprehensive, Marxist analysis of the world.

Mao Zedong takes this further in his famous essay Where Do Correct Ideas Come From?, where he emphasizes the praxis-theory-praxis method. According to Mao, revolutionary ideas are not born from isolated intellectual exercises—they come from engagement with the material world. Praxis, or practical struggle, generates knowledge, which is then refined through theoretical work. This theory, in turn, is applied back into practice in an ongoing cycle of learning and action. For the Bundists today, this method of constantly linking theory to praxis is essential. We must ground ourselves in the struggles of the working class and oppressed peoples, but we must also consistently reflect on and refine our theoretical frameworks to make them more effective in shaping revolutionary practice.

Theory is Not a Parrot Job

Studying revolutionary theory is not about uncritically repeating the words of past thinkers, no matter how great their contributions were. To simply parrot the ideas of Marx, Lenin, Mao, or other revolutionary leaders is to turn theory into dogma. This would undermine the purpose of revolutionary analysis, which is to understand the constantly changing material world. Engaging with theory requires critical thinking and self-criticism. We must treat the works of great theoreticians as guides, not sacred texts, and apply them to the conditions of our time. This means recognizing the strengths and limitations of these theories and adapting them to new realities without losing sight of their revolutionary essence.

As Marx himself said, “The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it.” The same applies to theory today. We must engage with it dynamically, questioning, refining, and applying it to our own struggles. Bundism, like all revolutionary movements, must evolve through this process of constant self-reflection and correction.

Studying the Real Material World

The study of the world cannot be superficial. Revolutionary work is scientific work, and it must be done rigorously. We cannot rely on vague generalizations or ideological shortcuts to explain the state of affairs. Our analysis must be rooted in an honest examination of material conditions. This means gathering both qualitative and quantitative information—understanding the lived experiences of the oppressed alongside the empirical data of economic exploitation, climate destruction, and militarization.

As Bundists, we must develop our understanding of the capitalist system not only as a theory of exploitation but as a living, evolving system that manifests differently across various contexts. For example, the financialization of capitalism, the role of the military-industrial complex, and the mechanisms of settler-colonialism must be thoroughly examined to formulate effective strategies for liberation.

Rediscovering Our Bundist Tradition

To understand the world as Bundists, we must also draw from the rich history of our own movement. The Jewish Labor Bund was not only a socialist movement; it was also a movement deeply engaged in the practice of doikayt—fighting for the liberation of Jewish people wherever they lived, without relying on the nationalist or colonialist “solution” of Zionism. The early Bundists understood that the struggles of Jewish workers were inseparable from the broader fight against capitalism and imperialism.

Reconnecting with this tradition means rediscovering the insights and strategies of previous generations. The Bund resisted not only fascism and antisemitism but also the reformist tendencies of the labor movement that sought to dilute the revolutionary potential of workers. Today, we must learn from their commitment to internationalism and their vision of Jewish liberation as part of a global class struggle.

Learning from the Jewish Prophetic Tradition

Our understanding must also be informed by the radical roots of the Jewish prophetic tradition. The prophets of ancient Israel did not shy away from denouncing the injustices of their time. They spoke truth to power, called for the liberation of the oppressed, and challenged the wealthy and ruling elites. For centuries, this prophetic imagination has inspired Jewish social movements. As Bundists, we can reclaim this revolutionary spirit, linking the ethical demands of Judaism with the concrete political struggles of today.

This connection is not merely symbolic—it offers a moral foundation for the Bund’s anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist commitments. The Jewish prophetic tradition teaches us that liberation is not just a political necessity but a moral imperative. We must resist the forces of oppression, not only because it is just but because it is the essence of human dignity.

Learning from Marxist, Leninist, and Maoist Comrades

Our task as Bundists is also to engage deeply with the revolutionary traditions of Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism. These traditions offer invaluable insights into the nature of capitalism, imperialism, and the strategies needed to dismantle them. Marx taught us to view history as a struggle between classes, where the contradictions of capitalism would eventually produce its own downfall. Lenin developed a theory of imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism, where monopolies and finance capital dominate the globe, leading to intensified exploitation and the plundering of colonized nations.

Mao, for his part, showed that revolutionary struggle must be adaptable to local conditions. His work on guerrilla warfare, the mass line, and the importance of organizing the peasantry in anti-colonial contexts provides essential lessons for us today. Mao’s focus on the revolutionary potential of the peasantry parallels the Bundist focus on the oppressed Jewish working class in the diaspora, where liberation can only be achieved through collective action.

Learning from Anarchist Comrades

Bundists must also remain open to insights from anarchism. While the Bund is rooted in a socialist tradition that emphasizes organized leadership, there is much to learn from the anarchist critique of hierarchy and authority. Anarchists remind us that liberation is not simply a matter of seizing state power but of transforming social relations to eradicate all forms of domination. The importance of decentralized organizing, mutual aid, and direct action are lessons we can incorporate into our own movement.

Training Bundist Specialists

If we are to be effective in our revolutionary work, we need comrades who are deeply knowledgeable in specific areas of revolutionary theory and analysis, while remaining intimately connected to the broader Bundist movement. These Bundist specialists would serve as the intellectual backbone of the movement, producing analyses that deepen our understanding of the world while also contributing to strategic decision-making.

Theory as Praxis: Practical Steps for Organizing

For the Bundist movement, studying theory is not separate from praxis. It is a practical matter that must be organized systematically. Study groups, media production, and the publication of theoretical works are not just educational activities—they are forms of political work that should be integrated into the daily life of the movement. Theory must always be linked back to revolutionary praxis, with the goal of refining and improving our participation in the class struggle.

This work is not theoretical alone but demands practical infrastructure:

• Organizing Study Groups: Whether locally or online, study groups are essential spaces where comrades can gather to read, discuss, and critically engage with revolutionary texts. These sessions should be structured to encourage deep reflection, collective analysis, and practical application of the ideas discussed.

• Creating and Publishing Media: To spread revolutionary theory and reach a wider audience, the Bundist movement must create diverse forms of media. This includes zines, books, articles, magazines, as well as digital formats like YouTube and TikTok clips, podcasts, and online publications. These materials should not only communicate theoretical insights but also inspire direct action.

• Organizing Training Sessions, Teach-Ins, and Revolutionary Schools: Beyond reading groups and publications, we need training sessions and teach-ins where comrades can learn practical organizing skills, from strike organizing to protest tactics. These can culminate in revolutionary schools—structured programs that educate new and seasoned activists alike, helping them deepen their theoretical understanding and sharpen their practical organizing capabilities.

• Developing Revolutionary Media Networks: These projects should be organized systematically, using centralized media hubs and distributed networks to ensure the widest possible reach. The creation of a central organ for Bundist agitprop—whether a website, blog, or media collective—will be essential for disseminating these materials and coordinating collective educational efforts.

Through these concrete actions, we can bring revolutionary theory to the masses, deepening class consciousness and building the organizational strength necessary for real-world victories.

Conclusion

To change the world, we must first understand it. This requires the ongoing study of revolutionary theory, grounded in real-world struggles and informed by the rich traditions of the Bund, Marxism, the Jewish propheticConclusion

To change the world, we must first understand it. This requires the ongoing study of revolutionary theory, grounded in real-world struggles and informed by the rich traditions of the Bund, Marxism, the Jewish prophetic tradition, and anarchism. Theory, however, is only the first step. It must always be linked back to practice—through study groups, the creation of revolutionary media, and the development of structured training and organizing efforts. By doing this, we can bring revolutionary theory to life, guiding our collective action and making the Bundist movement a formidable force for liberation in our time.

We live in extreme times. The contradictions of the capitalist world order have deepened to a point of crisis. Neoliberalism, imperialism, and unchecked exploitation have produced a global system where wealth inequality, climate catastrophe, militarism, and social breakdown are the norm. The era of endless wars, extreme wealth concentration, and the erosion of democratic spaces has intensified the suffering of billions across the globe. In the face of these crises, resistance is rising—but so too are the reactionary forces of fascism, white supremacy, and authoritarianism.

The geopolitical landscape is marked by multiple imperialist wars, proxy conflicts, and occupations that serve the interests of capital. In West Asia, the Zionist project continues to dispossess the Palestinian people, while the alliance between Israel and reactionary regimes like India’s Hindutva state strengthens. In Europe and the Americas, the far-right gains momentum by manipulating economic anxiety and inflaming nationalist fervor, pitting the oppressed against each other. Across the globe, climate collapse is both driven by and exacerbating these crises, disproportionately affecting the poorest and most marginalized communities.

This moment is one of profound contradiction: the very system that is destroying the world offers no solutions to the problems it creates. In this context, the need for revolutionary socialism has never been more urgent, and within this struggle, the Jewish Labor Bund holds a critical place. The Bundist tradition—rooted in anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, and Jewish liberation—must rise again, armed with both its historical lessons and a vision for a just, socialist future.

A Brief History of the Bundist Socialist Movement

The Jewish Labor Bund was born in 1897 in the Russian Empire, a product of the intense class struggles of the time. As Jewish workers faced brutal exploitation in the factories, along with the violent oppression of Tsarist autocracy and antisemitism, the Bund emerged as the organizational vehicle for their liberation. The Bund was not just a labor movement; it was a revolutionary force that sought to unite the Jewish working class in Eastern Europe with the broader socialist struggle.

From its inception, the Bund committed itself to doikayt (here-ness)—the idea that Jewish liberation must be fought for where Jews live, within the broader movements for socialism in their respective countries. Rejecting both assimilationist tendencies and Zionist calls for a Jewish state, the Bundists believed that the liberation of Jews was inseparable from the liberation of all oppressed peoples. They advocated for yiddishkayt, celebrating and preserving Jewish culture, particularly Yiddish, as a key component of their revolutionary identity. Their third pillar was sotsializm—the conviction that the only path to Jewish freedom was through the dismantling of capitalism and the construction of a socialist society.

The Bund played a crucial role in the Russian Revolution and the broader socialist movements of Eastern Europe, often at odds with Bolsheviks over questions of Jewish autonomy and culture. Throughout the early 20th century, Bundists fought courageously in labor strikes, revolutionary movements, and the struggle against antisemitism. But it was during the rise of fascism and the Nazi occupation of Europe that the Bund’s heroism became legendary. The Bund was one of the key forces of Jewish resistance in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising and other acts of defiance against the Holocaust.

However, after the devastation of the Second World War and the near-extermination of European Jewry, the Bund was weakened. Many of its surviving members emigrated to the United States and Israel, where they faced new political challenges. In Israel, Bundists were marginalized by the hegemonic Zionist movement, while in the United States, many Bundist groups gradually drifted toward social democracy and reformism.

Radical Bundism vs. Reformist Social Democracy

As the postwar world settled into the Cold War, the once-revolutionary Bundist movement found itself at a crossroads. While some comrades attempted to maintain the radical flame of the Bund, much of the movement succumbed to reformist tendencies. In the U.S., for example, Bundist groups aligned themselves with social-democratic politics, participating in trade unions and electoral politics but often losing sight of the Bund’s revolutionary socialist goals.

This drift toward reformism marked a significant departure from the original proletarian and prophetic radicalism of Bundism. The radical Bundism of the early 20th century understood the inseparability of Jewish liberation from the struggle against capitalism. It was steeped in the prophetic traditions of justice—rooted in the ancient Jewish ethos of speaking truth to power and siding with the oppressed—and proletarian internationalism, which called for solidarity across ethnic and national lines in the global class struggle.

This radical Bundism, we argue, must be reclaimed in our time. Reformist social-democratic politics, whether in Israel, the U.S., or elsewhere, have failed to address the root causes of exploitation and oppression. They have instead offered piecemeal reforms that leave the underlying structures of capitalism and imperialism intact. In the face of mounting global crises, we must return to the revolutionary heart of Bundism—a heart that beats for justice, solidarity, and the overthrow of the capitalist system.

The Core Principles of Bundism: Doikayt, Yiddishkayt, and Sotsializm

At its core, the Bundist movement is built on three pillars: doikayt, yiddishkayt, and sotsializm. These principles remain as relevant today as ever, offering both a critique of contemporary struggles and a framework for revolutionary action.

• Doikayt: This principle rejects the Zionist notion that Jewish liberation requires a separate state. Instead, it asserts that Jewish people must fight for their liberation in the places where they live, alongside their neighbors and comrades in struggle. Doikayt is a rejection of exile and nationalism alike—it is a call to build socialism in the here and now, rooted in local struggles for justice.

• Yiddishkayt: Bundism celebrates the richness of Jewish culture, particularly the languages, traditions, and histories of Jewish communities in the diaspora. Yiddishkayt stands in opposition to the artificial “Hebrew culture” promoted by Zionism, which seeks to erase the diverse and often revolutionary traditions of Jewish life in favor of a nationalist project. To fight for Yiddishkayt is to fight for the cultural autonomy and dignity of Jewish people, and to resist the erasure of Jewish history by both Zionist and antisemitic forces.

• Sotsializm: Finally, Bundism is committed to the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. Jewish liberation is impossible under a capitalist system that thrives on exploitation, inequality, and division. The struggle for Jewish freedom must be part of a broader socialist movement that seeks to abolish class hierarchies, private property, and the imperialist world order.

The Bund Today: Scattered but Not Defeated

Today, Bundists are scattered across the globe. There are various small groups, often isolated from one another, and individual comrades who identify with the Bundist tradition but remain disconnected from a larger movement. This isolation has weakened our capacity to act as a cohesive force in the world. However, in this moment of global crisis and renewed interest in revolutionary politics—especially among young Jewish radicals—there is an opportunity to rebuild the Bund.

We have seen a revival of interest in Bundism, particularly among Gen-Z Jews who are rediscovering their cultural roots and revolutionary traditions. This new generation, less burdened by the sectarian infighting of previous eras, is ready to embrace the radical and revolutionary ideas of the Bund. But to realize this potential, we must overcome the fragmentation that plagues our movement. We must unite Bundists across the world, creating structures of solidarity, coordination, and action that can channel our collective energy into meaningful political struggle.

The Jewish Labor Bund has a long and proud history, and it is time to write its next chapter. Our world today is in desperate need of the revolutionary ideas and practices that the Bund represents. By standing together, rooted in the principles of doikayt, yiddishkayt, and sotsializm, we can rekindle the Bundist flame and make it burn brighter than ever before.

DOWNLOAD MANIFESTO AS PDF

0. Introduction: Rekindling the Bundist Flame

1. Too Many Bunds

2. Understanding the World: A Revolutionary Task

3. A Bundist Political Program for Our Time

4. Reaching the Minds, Hearts, and Hands of the Jewish Working Class

5. Building Bridges: Expanding Solidarity and Collaboration

6. Organizing a Movement

7. Our Most Urgent Tasks